If ever there was an instance of misguided priorities, this must surely be it. When ministers and mandarins switch instinctively into an authoritarian mode almost like automatons, it is a reminder of the danger to liberal democracy from a capricious state. While terrorists are working diligently to challenge India's libertarian ethos, it seems that some politicians too are capable of doing their tuppence bit.
Underneath the government's decision to swiftly issue a directive to internet service providers to proscribe access to certain websites lies a disturbing snapshot of the government's perception of the relationship between the state and its citizens. It shows that the government is still substantively unable to view citizens as equal stakeholders in key decisions, preferring instead to treat them with an aloof condescension. Consequently, the gulf between the people and their political leadership is expanding. Decisions are suddenly announced to the people; never explained or justified to them. Tony Blair answers more questions in the House of Commons - and before the media - in defending his party's policies than Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi put together.
As I've said before, while silence may suit backbenchers, it is neither necessary nor desirable for the leadership of the world's largest democracy. In particular, while remaining cloistered in the company of a familiar circle of loyal advisors might be mellifluous to the ears than an adversarial duel in parliament or in the media, by maintaining an excessive veil of reserve a leader risks losing touch with the voters.
It is apparent that the Congress party's key domestic preoccupation is the election in Uttar Pradesh next year. As its policy on reservations highlights, the party has decided to firmly pitch its tent in the complex caste-ordained field of Uttar Pradesh politics. What the party's strategists haven't factored is the growing disillusionment of voters - particularly among the middle classes - who may have looked to the Congress as a party that once had pretensions of cutting across caste and religious barriers. Galloping commodity prices are not helping its cause with voters either.
More recently, the party's hesitation from articulating a tough message to Islamic extremists - either homegrown or foreign - after the Mumbai attacks for fear of political reprisal among Indian Muslims has been obvious. But this blithely laconic approach is actually quite patronising and offensive to Muslim citizens as it assumes that they do not have a stake in a secure and safe society as any other citizen.
The government's leitmotif at the moment is to stumble along on a wing and a prayer hoping that the next crisis is smaller the previous one! Abiding by the precautionary principle is clearly not one of its strengths. This lack of a clear organizing principle is further compounded by the open internal rifts within the Congress party, too many old timers piggy-backing at the expense of fresh talent, an unclear duality of power at the helm and the party's degrading attitude towards Manmohan Singh.
Increasingly, this is conveying a distinct perception that the Congress party is missing the bigger picture. There is a palpable sense of disillusionment among voters that the party ignores at its peril. As the principal partner in the government, the Congress should necessarily be an outward looking entity that voters can identify with. Instead, the Congress party is swimming in a sea of its own internal politics, content in its insular habitat. Unless it arrests this declining trajectory soon, the party might find itself exiled to the familiar political territory of introspection when it is far too late to salvage anything worthwhile.
Rishabh Bhandari is a lawyer at a global law firm in London. These are his personal views. first published:July 24, 2006, 13:53 ISTlast updated:July 24, 2006, 13:53 IST
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The UPA government requires no second invitation to a controversy. Throughout the year, it has swaggered in a puzzled state of half-wakefulness from one entanglement to another. In the immediate aftermath of the Mumbai attacks, instead of examining the efficacy of its counter-terrorism strategy, it chose to block certain websites and deny India's burgeoning community of bloggers from exercising their freedom of expression.
If ever there was an instance of misguided priorities, this must surely be it. When ministers and mandarins switch instinctively into an authoritarian mode almost like automatons, it is a reminder of the danger to liberal democracy from a capricious state. While terrorists are working diligently to challenge India's libertarian ethos, it seems that some politicians too are capable of doing their tuppence bit.
Underneath the government's decision to swiftly issue a directive to internet service providers to proscribe access to certain websites lies a disturbing snapshot of the government's perception of the relationship between the state and its citizens. It shows that the government is still substantively unable to view citizens as equal stakeholders in key decisions, preferring instead to treat them with an aloof condescension. Consequently, the gulf between the people and their political leadership is expanding. Decisions are suddenly announced to the people; never explained or justified to them. Tony Blair answers more questions in the House of Commons - and before the media - in defending his party's policies than Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi put together.
As I've said before, while silence may suit backbenchers, it is neither necessary nor desirable for the leadership of the world's largest democracy. In particular, while remaining cloistered in the company of a familiar circle of loyal advisors might be mellifluous to the ears than an adversarial duel in parliament or in the media, by maintaining an excessive veil of reserve a leader risks losing touch with the voters.
It is apparent that the Congress party's key domestic preoccupation is the election in Uttar Pradesh next year. As its policy on reservations highlights, the party has decided to firmly pitch its tent in the complex caste-ordained field of Uttar Pradesh politics. What the party's strategists haven't factored is the growing disillusionment of voters - particularly among the middle classes - who may have looked to the Congress as a party that once had pretensions of cutting across caste and religious barriers. Galloping commodity prices are not helping its cause with voters either.
More recently, the party's hesitation from articulating a tough message to Islamic extremists - either homegrown or foreign - after the Mumbai attacks for fear of political reprisal among Indian Muslims has been obvious. But this blithely laconic approach is actually quite patronising and offensive to Muslim citizens as it assumes that they do not have a stake in a secure and safe society as any other citizen.
The government's leitmotif at the moment is to stumble along on a wing and a prayer hoping that the next crisis is smaller the previous one! Abiding by the precautionary principle is clearly not one of its strengths. This lack of a clear organizing principle is further compounded by the open internal rifts within the Congress party, too many old timers piggy-backing at the expense of fresh talent, an unclear duality of power at the helm and the party's degrading attitude towards Manmohan Singh.
Increasingly, this is conveying a distinct perception that the Congress party is missing the bigger picture. There is a palpable sense of disillusionment among voters that the party ignores at its peril. As the principal partner in the government, the Congress should necessarily be an outward looking entity that voters can identify with. Instead, the Congress party is swimming in a sea of its own internal politics, content in its insular habitat. Unless it arrests this declining trajectory soon, the party might find itself exiled to the familiar political territory of introspection when it is far too late to salvage anything worthwhile.
Rishabh Bhandari is a lawyer at a global law firm in London. These are his personal views.
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